Византијска музика — разлика између измена
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'''Византијска музика''' подразумијева један цјелокупни систем изражавања и испитивања мелодије, у складу са гласовима, родовима и хроама (бојама). Названа је византијском, зато што се почела значајније развијати у доба [[
Дијели се на: вокалну (гласовну) и инструменталну. Гласовна мелодија спојена са поетским текстом даје пјесму, која се дијели на: црквену (стихире, химне и тропари) и народну.
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| caption = Late 4th century AD "Mosaic of the Musicians" with [[pipe organ|organ]], [[aulos]], and [[lyre]] from a Byzantine villa in [[Maryamin, Hama|Maryamin]], [[Сирија|Syria]].<ref name = Ring>{{cite book |last=Ring | first = Trudy | title = International Dictionary of Historic Places: Middle East and Africa | url = https://books.google.com/?id=R44VRnNCzAYC&dq=mariamin+hama | year = 1994 |publisher = Taylor & Francis | volume = 4 | isbn = 978-1884964039}}</ref>
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The 9th century [[
The first of these, the early bowed stringed instrument known as the [[Byzantine lyra]], would come to be called the ''[[lira da braccio]]'',<ref>{{cite encyclopedia |title=lira |url=http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/343204/lira |work=[[Енциклопедија Британика|Encyclopædia Britannica]] |year=2009}}</ref> in Venice, where it is considered by many to have been the predecessor of the contemporary violin, which later flourished there.<ref name=Arkenberg109>{{cite web |last=Arkenberg |first=Rebecca |title=Renaissance Violins |date=October 2002 |publisher=[[Метрополитенски музеј умјетности|Metropolitan Museum of Art]] |url=http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/renv/hd_renv.htm |accessdate=2006-09-22}}</ref> The bowed "lyra" is still played in former Byzantine regions, where it is known as the [[Politiki lyra]] (lit. "lyra of the City" i.e. [[Константинопољ|Constantinople]]) in Greece, the [[Calabrian lira]] in Southern Italy, and the [[Lijerica]] in [[Далмација|Dalmatia]].
The second instrument, the organ, originated in the [[Hellenistic]] world (see [[Hydraulis]]) and was used in the [[Hippodrome]] in Constantinople during races.<ref>Journal of Sport History, Vol. 8, No. 3 (Winter, 1981) [http://rbedrosian.com/Byz/Byz_Sports.pdf p. 44].</ref><ref name=Bush-Kassel-327>{{cite book |editor1=Douglas Earl Bush |editor2=Richard Kassel |title=The Organ: An Encyclopedia |publisher=Routledge |year=2006 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=cgDJaeFFUPoC&pg=PA327 |p=327 |isbn=9780415941747 }}</ref> A [[pipe organ]] with "great leaden pipes" was sent by the emperor [[Constantine V]] to [[Пипин Мали|Pepin the Short]] King of the [[Franks]] in 757. Pepin's son [[Карло Велики|Charlemagne]] requested a similar organ for his chapel in [[Ахен|Aachen]] in 812, beginning its establishment in Western church music.<ref name=Bush-Kassel-327/>
The final Byzantine instrument, the [[aulos]], was a double-reeded woodwind like the modern [[oboe]] or Armenian [[duduk]]. Other forms include the ''plagiaulos'' (πλαγίαυλος, from πλάγιος, ''plagios'' "sideways"), which resembled the [[flute]],<ref name="Howard">{{cite journal|last=Howard|first=Albert A.|year=1893|title=The Αὐλός or Tibia|journal=Harvard Studies in Classical Philology|volume=4|pages=1–60|doi=10.2307/310399|jstor=310399}}<!--| accessdate = 2006-08-16 --></ref> and the ''askaulos'' (ἀσκαυλός from ἀσκός ''askos'' "[[wine-skin]]"), a bagpipe.<ref name="google15">[https://books.google.com/books?id=DOfuAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA15 William Flood. ''The Story of the Bagpipe'' p. 15]</ref> These bagpipes, also known as ''[[Dankiyo]]'' (from [[старогрчки језик|ancient Greek]]: angion (Τὸ ἀγγεῖον) "the container"), had been played even in Roman times. [[Dio Chrysostom]] wrote in the 1st century of a contemporary sovereign (possibly Nero) who could play a pipe ([[Tibia (instrument)|tibia]], Roman reedpipes similar to Greek aulos) with his mouth as well as by tucking a bladder beneath his armpit.<ref>{{cite web |title=Discourses by Dio Chrysostom (Or. 71.9) |url=http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Dio_Chrysostom/Discourses/71*.html#9 |work=The Seventy-first Discourse: On the Philosopher (Volume V) |publisher=[[Loeb Classical Library]] |volume=V |pages=173 |accessdate=25 June 2016}}</ref> The bagpipes continued to be played throughout the empire's former realms down to the present. (See Balkan [[Gaida]], Greek [[Tsampouna]], [[Pontic Greek|Pontic]] [[Tulum (bagpipe)|Tulum]], Cretan [[Askomandoura]], Armenian [[Parkapzuk]], and Romanian [[Cimpoi]].)
=== Акламације на двору и књига церемонија ===
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Secular music existed and accompanied every aspect of life in the empire, including dramatic productions, pantomime, ballets, banquets, political and pagan festivals, Olympic games, and all ceremonies of the imperial court. It was, however, regarded with contempt, and was frequently denounced as profane and lascivious by some Church Fathers.<ref>Canon 62 of the Quinisext Synod (692) banned certain "pagan" feast of the hippodrome including ''Vota'' and ''Broumalia''. Nevertheless, both feasts were still described in [[Constantine VII]] [[De Ceremoniis|Books of ceremonies]] (I:72 & II:18).</ref>
Another genre that lies between liturgical chant and court ceremonial are the so-called [[Polychronion|polychronia]] (πολυχρονία) and [[acclamatio]]ns (ἀκτολογία).<ref>[[Ton Despotin|Τὸν Δεσπότην]] or Εἰς πολλἀ ἔτη, Δέσποτα. are two of the very few acclamations still in use today during the veneration of the icons by a Metropolit or the appointment of such an office.</ref> The acclamations were sung to announce the entrance of the Emperor during representative receptions at the court, the hippodrome or in the cathedral. They can be different from the polychronia, ritual prayers or ektenies for present political rulers and are usually answered by a choir with formulas such as "Lord protect" (κύριε σῶσον) or "Lord have mercy on us/them" (κύριε ἐλέησον).<ref>These formulas are documented in various regions of the Mediterranean such as the [[Gallican Rite|Gallican]] and [[Old Hispanic chant|Visigothic]] [[preces]], the terkyrie of the [[Ambrosian rite]], but also in coronation rites that were even performed at [[Montecassino|Montecassino Abbey]], when [[Pope Nicholas II]] accepted the [[Нормани|Normans]] as allies.</ref> The documented polychronia in books of the cathedral rite allow a geographical and a chronological classification of the manuscript and they are still used during [[Ectenia|ektenies]] of the divine liturgies of national Orthodox ceremonies today. The [[
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Two concepts must be understood to appreciate fully the function of music in Byzantine worship and they were related to a new form of urban monasticism, which even formed the representative cathedral rites of the imperial ages, which had to baptise many [[catechumen]]s.
The first, which retained currency in Greek theological and mystical speculation until the dissolution of the empire, was the belief in the [[angel]]ic transmission of sacred chant: the assumption that the early Church united men in the prayer of the angelic choirs. It was partly based on the Hebrew fundament of Christian worship, but in the particular reception of St. [[Василије Велики|Basil of Caesarea]]'s divine liturgy. [[John Chrysostom]], since 397 Archbishop of Constantinople, abridged the long formular of Basil's divine liturgy for the local cathedral rite.
The notion of angelic chant is certainly older than the [[Откровење|Apocalypse]] account ([[Revelation]] 4:8–11), for the musical function of angels as conceived in the [[Књиге Светог писма|Old Testament]] is brought out clearly by [[Исаија|Isaiah]] (6:1–4) and [[Језекиљ (пророк)|Ezekiel]] (3:12). Most significant in the fact, outlined in [[Book of Exodus|Exodus]] 25, that the pattern for the earthly worship of Israel was derived from heaven. The allusion is perpetuated in the writings of the early Fathers, such as [[Clement of Rome]], [[Justin Martyr]], [[Ignatius of Antioch]], [[Athenagoras of Athens]], John Chrysostom and [[Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite]]. It receives acknowledgement later in the liturgical treatises of Nicolas Kavasilas and Symeon of Thessaloniki.<ref>[[Patrologia Graeca]], CL, 368–492 and CLV, 536–699, respectively.</ref>
The second, less permanent, concept was that of [[koinonia]] or "[[Communion (Christian)|communion]]". This was less permanent because, after the fourth century, when it was analyzed and integrated into a theological system, the bond and "oneness" that united the clergy and the faithful in liturgical worship was less potent. It is, however, one of the key ideas for understanding a number of realities for which we now have different names. With regard to musical performance, this concept of koinonia may be applied to the primitive use of the word choros. It referred, not to a separate group within the congregation entrusted with musical responsibilities, but to the congregation as a whole. St. Ignatius wrote to the Church in Ephesus in the following way:
<blockquote>You must every man of you join in a choir so that being harmonious and in concord and taking the keynote of God in unison, you may sing with one voice through Jesus Christ to the Father, so that He may hear you and through your good deeds recognize that you are parts of His Son.</blockquote>
A marked feature of liturgical ceremony was the active part taken by the people in its performance, particularly in the recitation or chanting of hymns, responses and psalms. The terms choros, koinonia and ekklesia were used synonymously in the early Byzantine Church. In [[Psalms]] 149 and 150, the [[Септуагинта|Septuagint]] translated the [[
Concerning the practice of psalm recitation, the recitation by a congregation of educated chanters is already testified by the soloistic recitation of abridged psalms by the end of the 4th century. Later it was called [[prokeimenon]]. Hence, there was an early practice of [[Papadic Octoechos#Simple psalmody|simple psalmody]], which was used for the recitation of canticles and the psalter, and usually Byzantine psalters have the 15 canticles in an appendix, but the simple psalmody itself was not notated before the 13th century, in dialogue or ''[[Papadic Octoechos#Composition of the papadike|papadikai]]'' treatises preceding the book sticheraria.<ref>{{cite encyclopedia
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The fashion in all cathedral rites of the Mediterranean was a new emphasis on the psalter. In older ceremonies before Christianity became the religion of empires, the recitation of the biblical odes (mainly taken from the Old Testament) was much more important. They did not disappear in certain cathedral rites such as the Milanese and the Constantinopolitan rite.
Before long, however, a clericalizing tendency soon began to manifest itself in linguistic usage, particularly after the [[Council of Laodicea]], whose fifteenth [[
The nine canticles or odes according to the psalter were:
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[[Датотека:Recitation psalm 85.jpg|thumb|center|750px|Recitation of psalm 85 κλῖνον, κύριε, τὸ οὖς σου καὶ ἐπάκουσόν μου during vespers (τῇ βέσπερ) in echos plagios devteros with a preceding troparion καὶ ἐπάκουσόν μου· δόξα σοι, ὁ Θεός in a liturgical manuscript around 1400 ([[National Library of Greece|GR-An]] Ms. [[#GR-An2061|2061]], fol. 4r)]]
A famous example, whose existence is attested as early as the 4th century, is the [[Easter]] [[Vespers]] hymn, ''[[Phos Hilaron]]'' ("O Resplendent Light"). Perhaps the earliest set of troparia of known authorship are those of the [[манк|monk]] [[Auxentios]] (first half of the 5th century), attested in his biography but not preserved in any later Byzantine order of service. Another, ''[[O Monogenes Yios]]'' ("Only Begotten Son"), ascribed to the emperor [[Јустинијан I|Justinian I]] (527–565), followed the doxology of the second antiphonon at the beginning of the [[Divine Liturgy]].
=== Роман Мелодичар, контакион и Света Софија ===
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}}</ref> Romanos' own recitation of all the numerous ''oikoi'' must have been much simpler, but the most interesting question of the genre are the different functions that ''kontakia'' once had. Romanos' original melodies were not delivered by notated sources dating back to the 6th century, the earliest notated source is the Tipografsky Ustav written about 1100. Its gestic notation was different from Middle Byzantine notation used in Italian and Athonite Kontakaria of the 13th century, where the gestic signs (cheironomiai) became integrated as “great signs”. During the period of psaltic art (14th and 15th centuries), the interest of kalophonic elaboration was focussed on one particular kontakion which was still celebrated: the [[Akathist]] hymn. An exception was [[John Kladas]] who contributed also with kalophonic settings of other kontakia of the repertoire.
Some of them had a clear liturgical assignation, others not, so that they can only be understood from the background of the later book of ceremonies. Some of Romanos creations can be even regarded as political propaganda in connection with the new and very fast reconstruction of the famous [[Аја Софија|Hagia Sophia]] by [[Isidore of Miletus]] and [[Anthemius of Tralles]]. A quarter of Constantinople had been burnt down during a [[Nika riots|civil war]]. Justinian had ordered a massacre at the [[
|issn = 0070-7546
|volume = 62
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According to Johannes Koder the kontakion was celebrated the first time during Lenten period in 537, about ten months before the official inauguration of the new built Hagia Sophia on 27 December.
[[Датотека:Haga Sofia RB1.jpg|thumb|center|750px|The Constantinopolitan [[Аја Софија|Hagia Sophia]] with elements added later to the crossing in order to stabilise the dome construction]]
=== Промене у архитектури и литургији, и увођење херубикона ===
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{{main|Cherubikon}}
During the second half of the sixth century, there was a change in [[
| first = Assen
| last = Tschilingirov
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| date =1978
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}}</ref> Concerning the [[Аја Софија|Hagia Sophia]], which was constructed earlier, the procession was obviously within the church.<ref>Neil Moran offers a discussion of different hypotheses concerning the exact way of the procession. He also regards a central [[Ambon (liturgy)|ambo]], positioned slightly eastwards before the choir screen, as the regular place of the chanters since the 5th century. Since [[Justinian]] two choirs have had to be limited to 12 singers each. {{Cite journal
|title = The Musical 'Gestaltung' of the Great Entrance Ceremony in the 12th century in accordance with the Rite of Hagia Sophia
|last = Moran
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|pages = 167–193
|ref = Mor1979
}}</ref> It seems that the [[cherubikon]] was a prototype of the Western chant genre [[offertory]].<ref>The old term of the pre-Carolingian Gallican rite was "sonus". Since Abbot Hilduin at the [[Saint Denis Cathedral|Abbey Saint Denis]], a diplomate at the Court of [[Луј I Побожни|Louis the Pious]], the cherubikon was re-introduced within the so-called ''Missa greca'' in honour of the patron who became identified with the Greek father [[Pseudo-Dionysius]]. The chant books of the abbey also provide the cherubikon as the offertory chant for the [[Духови (празник)|Pentecost]] Mass.</ref>
With this change came also the dramaturgy of the three doors in a choir screen before the [[
<blockquote>When they sing Lauds at Hagia Sophia, they sing first in the narthex before the royal doors; then they enter to sing in the middle of the church; then the gates of Paradise are opened and they sing a third time before the altar. On Sundays and feastdays the Patriarch assists at Lauds and at the Liturgy; at this time he blesses the singers from gallery, and ceasing to sing, they proclaim the polychronia; then they begin to sing again as harmoniously and as sweetly as the angels, and they sing in this fashion until the Liturgy. After Lauds they put off their vestments and go out to receive the blessing of the Patriarch; then the preliminary lessons are read in the ambo; when these are over the Liturgy begins, and at the end of the service the chief priest recites the so-called prayer of the ambo within the sanctuary while the second priest recites in the church, beyond the ambo; when they have finished the prayer, both bless the people. Vespers are said in the same fashion, beginning at an early hour.<ref>Quoted according to the translation by Oliver Strunk ([[#Str1956|1956]], 177).</ref></blockquote>
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By the end of the seventh century with the [[Quinisext Council|reform of 692]], the kontakion, Romanos' genre was overshadowed by a certain monastic type of [[Homily|homiletic]] hymn, the [[Canon (hymnography)|canon]] and its prominent role it played within the cathedral rite of the Patriarchate of Jerusalem. Essentially, the kanon, as it is known since 8th century, is a hymnodic complex composed of nine odes that were originally attached to the nine Biblical [[canticle]]s and to which they were related by means of corresponding poetic allusion or textual quotation (see the [[#The recitation of the biblical odes|section about the biblical odes]]). Out of the custom of canticle recitation, monastic reformers at Constantinople, Jerusalem and Mount Sinai developed a new homiletic genre whose verses in the complex ode meter were composed over a melodic model: the [[heirmos]].<ref>{{cite journal|last=Frøyshov|first=Stig Simeon R.|date=2007|title=The Early Development of the Liturgical Eight-Mode System in Jerusalem|url=https://www.academia.edu/2980443|journal=Saint Vladimir's Theological Quarterly|volume=51|pages=139–178|accessdate=19 March 2018|ref=Fro07}}<!-- this alternative link works now {{dead link|date=July 2017 |bot=InternetArchiveBot |fix-attempted=yes |checked=true}} --></ref>
During the 7th century kanons at the Patriarchate of Jerusalem still consisted of the two or three odes throughout the year cycle, and often combined different [[Echos|echoi]]. The form common today of nine or eight odes was introduced by composers within the school of [[Андреј Критски|Andrew of Crete]] at [[Манастир Светог Саве Освећеног|Mar Saba]]. The nine ''odes'' of the ''kanon'' were dissimilar by their metrum. Consequently, an entire ''heirmos'' comprises nine independent melodies (eight, because the second ''ode'' was often omitted outside Lenten period), which are united musically by the same echos and its melos, and sometimes even textually by references to the general theme of the liturgical occasion—especially in ''acrosticha'' composed over a given ''heirmos'', but dedicated to a particular day of the [[menaion]]. Until the 11th century, the common book of hymns was the tropologion and it had no other musical notation than a modal signature and combined different hymn genres like [[troparion]], [[sticheron]], and [[Canon (hymnography)|canon]].
The earliest tropologion was already composed by [[Севир Антиохијски|Severus of Antioch]], [[Paul of Edessa]] and Ioannes Psaltes at the Patriarchate of Antioch between 512 and 518. Their [[Octoechos (liturgy)|tropologion]] has only survived in Syriac translation and revised by [[Jacob of Edessa]].<ref>The Syriac tropligin was written in 675 ([[British Library|GB-Lbl]] Ms. Add. 17134).</ref> The tropologion was continued by [[Sophronius of Jerusalem|Sophronius]], Patriarch of Jerusalem, but especially by Andrew of Crete's contemporary [[Germanus I of Constantinople|Germanus I, Patriarch of Constantinople]] who represented as a gifted hymnographer not only an own school, but he became also very eager to realise the purpose of this reform since 705, although its authority was questioned by iconoclast antagonists and only established in 787. After the octoechos reform of the Quinisext Council in 692, monks at Mar Saba continued the hymn project under Andrew's instruction, especially by his most gifted followers [[Јован Дамаскин|John of Damascus]] and [[Cosmas of Maiuma|Cosmas of Jerusalem]]. These various layers of the Hagiopolitan tropologion since the 5th century have mainly survived in a Georgian type of tropologion called "Iadgari" whose oldest copies can be dated back to the 9th century.<ref>{{Cite book
|publisher = Peeters
|volume = 12
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=== Хагиополитска расправа ===
{{main|Hagiopolitan Octoechos}}
The earliest chant manual pretends right at the beginning that John of Damascus was its author. Its first edition was based on a more or less complete version in a 14th-century manuscript,<ref>Raasted's edition ([[#Raa1983|1983]]) was based on a 12th-century manuscript ([[
Concerning the octoechos, the Hagiopolitan system is characterised as a system of eight diatonic echoi with two additional phthorai ([[nenano]] and [[Nana (echos)|nana]]) which were used by [[Јован Дамаскин|John of Damascus]] and [[Cosmas of Maiuma|Cosmas]], but not by [[Joseph the Confessor]] who obviously preferred the diatonic mele of plagios devteros and plagios tetartos.<ref>See the quotation in the Hagiopolitan section of the article about [[Nenano#The phthora nenano as part of the Hagiopolitan octoechos|phthora nenano]].</ref>
It also mentions an alternative system of the Asma (the cathedral rite was called ἀκολουθία ᾀσματική) that consisted of 4 kyrioi echoi, 4 plagioi, 4 mesoi, and 4 phthorai. It seems that until the time, when the Hagiopolites was written, the octoechos reform did not work out for the cathedral rite, because singers at the court and at the Patriarchate still used a tonal system of 16 echoi, which was obviously part of the particular notation of their books: the asmatikon and the kontakarion or psaltikon.
But neither any 9th-century Constantinopolitan chant book nor an introducing treatise that explains the fore-mentioned system of the Asma, have survived. Only a 14th-century manuscript of Kastoria testifies cheironomic signs used in these books, which are transcribed in longer melodic phrases by the notation of the contemporary sticherarion, the middle Byzantine Round notation.
[[Датотека:Easter Koinonikon.png|thumb|center|750px|Easter [[Communion (chant)|koinonikon]] σῶμα χριστοῦ μεταλάβετε in echos plagios protos with the old cheironomiai (hand signs) or Asmatikon notation and their transcription into Byzantine round notation in a manuscript of the 14th century ([[
=== Преображај контакиона ===
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But only a limited number of melodies or kontakion mele had survived. Some of them were rarely used to compose new kontakia, other kontakia which became the model for eight prosomoia called “kontakia anastasima” according the oktoechos, had been frequently used. The kontakion ὁ ὑψωθεῖς ἐν τῷ σταυρῷ for the feast of cross exaltation (14 September) was not the one chosen for the [[prosomoion]] of the kontakion anastasimon in the same echos, it was actually the kontakion ἐπεφάνης σήμερον for Theophany (6 January). But nevertheless, it represented the second important melos of the echos tetartos which was frequently chosen to compose new kontakia, either for the prooimion (introduction) or for the oikoi (the stanzas of the kontakion called “houses”). Usually these models were not rubrified as “avtomela”, but as [[Idiomelon|idiomela]] which means that the modal structure of a kontakion was more complex, similar to a sticheron idiomelon changing through different echoi.
This new monastic type of [[kontakarion]] can be found in the collection of Saint Catherine's Monastery on the peninsula of Sinai (ET-MSsc Ms. Gr. 925-927) and its kontakia had only a reduced number of oikoi. The earliest kontakarion ([[Saint Catherine's Monastery|ET-MSsc]] Ms. [[#ET-MSscGr925|Gr. 925]]) dating to the 10th century might serve as an example. The manuscript was rubrified Κονδακάριον σῦν Θεῷ by the scribe, the rest is not easy to decipher since the first page was exposed to all kinds of abrasion, but it is obvious that this book is a collection of short kontakia organised according to the new menaion cycle like a sticherarion, beginning with 1 September and the feast of [[
Folio 2 verso shows a kontakion ἐν ἱερεῦσιν εὐσεβῶς διαπρέψας which was composed over the prooimion used for the kontakion for cross exaltation ὁ ὑψωθεῖς ἐν τῷ σταυρῷ. The prooimion is followed by three stanzas called oikoi, but they all share with the prooimion the same refrain called “ephymnion” (ἐφύμνιον) ταὶς σαῖς πρεσβεῖαις which concludes each ''oikos''.<ref>It is an observation made by Yulia Artamanova that the refrain of both models for tetartos-echos kontakia (cross elevation and Theophany) had the identical neumes in Slavic kondakar's, so that the common melodic model of the refrain (ex. 1) also allowed the combination of the two kontakia concerning the ''prooimion'' and the ''oikos'': {{Cite journal
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== Словенска редакција ==
[[Датотека:Balkans850.png|thumb|Italy and the Balkans during the late 9th century]]
The Slavic reception is crucial for the understanding, how the kontakion has changed under the influence of the Stoudites. During the 9th and 10th centuries new Empires established in the North which were dominated by Slavic populations (mainly the [[прво бугарско царство|first Bulgarian Empire]], with two new literary centres at [[Preslav Literary School|Preslav]] and the Lake [[Ohrid Literary School|Ohrid]], after similar plans failed for [[Великоморавска кнежевина|Great Moravia]], and the [[Kievan Rus']], a federation of East Slavic tribes between the Black Sea and Scandinavia). These empires requested a state religion, legal codexes, the translation of canonic scriptures, but also the translation of an overregional liturgy as it was created by the [[Monastery of Stoudios|Stoudios Monastery]], [[Манастир Светог Саве Освећеног|Mar Saba]] and [[Saint Catherine's Monastery]]. The Slavic reception confirmed this new trend, but also showed a detailed interest for the cathedral rite of the [[Аја Софија|Hagia Sophia]] and the pre-Stoudite organisation of the tropologion. Thus, these manuscripts are not only the earliest literary evidence of Slavonic languages which offer a transcription of the local variants of Slavonic languages, but also the earliest sources of the Constantinopolitan cathedral rite with musical notation, although transcribed into a notation of its own, just based on one tone system and on the contemporary layer of 11th-century notation, the roughly diastematic Old Byzantine notation.
=== Књижевне школе Првог бугарског царства ===
[[Датотека:CodexVaticanusSlavicus3Gagoliticus.jpg|thumb|right|A page of the aprakos lectionary known as Codex Assemanius ([[Vatican Library|I-Rvat]] Cod. [[#I-RvatVatSl3|Vat. slav. 3]], f.123v)]]
Unfortunately, no Slavonic tropologion written in [[Glagolitic script]] by [[
| issn = 0204-4021
| issue = 2
Ред 626:
| date = 2002
| url = https://www.ceeol.com/search/article-detail?id=415927
}}</ref> Only few early Glagolitic sources have been left. The [[Кијевски мисал|Kiev Missal]] proves a West Roman influence in the Old Slavonic liturgy for certain territories of Croatia. A later 11th-century New Testament lectionary known as the [[Асеманијево јеванђеље|Codex Assemanius]] was created by the [[Ohrid Literary School]]. An euchologion ([[Saint Catherine's Monastery|ET-MSsc]] Ms. [[Euchologium Sinaiticum|Slav. 37]]) was in part compiled for Great Moravia by Cyril, Clement, [[Naum of Ohrid|Naum]] and [[Constantine of Preslav]]. It was probably copied at [[Preslav Literary School|Preslav]] about the same time.<ref>An overview of the dispute how the early sources can be explained (pp. 239-244): {{Cite journal
| doi = 10.2307/932170
| issn = 0001-6241
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}}</ref> In a recent publication she chose "Iliya's book" ([[Russian State Archive of Ancient Documents|RUS-Mda]] Fond 381, Ms. 131) as the earliest example of an Old Church Slavonic tropologion (around 1100), it has compositions by [[Cyril of Jerusalem]] and agrees about 50% with the earliest tropologion of Sinai ([[Saint Catherine's Monastery|ET-MSsc]] Ms. NE/MΓ 56+5) and it is likewise organised as a mеnaion (beginning with September like the Stoudites), but it still includes the movable cycle. Hence, its organisation is still close to the tropologion and it has compositions not only ascribed to Cosmas and John, but also [[Stephen the Sabaite]], [[Theophanes the Branded]], the Georgian scribe and hymnographer Basil at Mar Saba and [[Joseph the Hymnographer]]. Further on, musical notation has been added on some pages which reveal an exchange between Slavic literary schools and scribes of Sinai or Mar Saba:
* theta ("θ" for "thema" which indicates a melodic figure over certain syllables of the text) or ''fita'' notation was used to indicate the melodic structure of an idiomelon/samoglasen in glas 2 "Na Iordanstei rece" (Epiphany, f.109r). It was also used on other pages (kanon for [[Presentation of Jesus at the Temple|hypapante]], ff.118v-199r & 123r),
* two forms of znamennaya notation, an earlier one has dots on the right sight of certain signs (the kanon "Obraza drevle Moisi" in glas 8 for Cross elevation on 14 September, ff.8r-9r), and a more developed form which was obviously needed for a new translation of the text ("another" avtomelon/samopodoben, ино, glas 6 "Odesnuyu spasa" for [[
| issn = 0204-823X
| issue = 3–4
Ред 664:
[[Датотека:Menaion 12Ru.jpg|thumb|450px|Mineya služebnaya with the page for 12 May, feast of the Holy Fathers [[Epiphanius of Salamis|Epiphanius]] and [[Germanus I of Constantinople|Germanus]] ([[State Historical Museum|RUS-Mim]] Ms. [[#RUS-Mim Sin166|Sin. 166]], f.57r)]]
[[Датотека:Центральный вход Софийского собора. Великий Новгород.jpg|thumb|left|[[Cathedral of St. Sophia, Novgorod|Saint Sophia Cathedral]] of [[Veliky Novgorod]] (11th century)]]
Kujumdžieva pointed later at a Southern Slavic origin (also based on linguistic arguments since 2015), although feasts of local saints, celebrated on the same day like Christina [[Борис и Глеб|Boris and Gleb]], had been added. If its reception of a pre-Stoudite tropologion was of Southern Slavic origin, there is evidence that this manuscript was copied and adapted for a use in Northern Slavic territories. The adaption to the menaion of the Rus rather proves that notation was only used in a few parts, where a new translation of a certain text required a new melodic composition which was no longer included within the existing system of melodies established by the Stoudites and their followers. But there is a coincidence between the early fragment from the Berlin-collection, where the ἀλλὸ rubric is followed by a modal signature and some early neumes, while the elaborated zamennaya is used for a new sticheron (ино) dedicated to Saint Christina.
Recent systematic editions of the 12th-century notated miney (like [[State Historical Museum|RUS-Mim]] Ms. [[#RUS-Mim Sin162|Sin. 162]] with just about 300 folios for the month December) which included not just samoglasni (idiomela) even podobni (prosomoia) and akrosticha with notation (while the kondaks were left without notation), have revealed that the philosophy of the literary schools in Ohrid and Preslav did only require in exceptional cases the use of notation.<ref>{{Cite book
Ред 715:
| ref = Gri2012
}}</ref>
# Tipografsky Ustav: [[Москва|Moscow]], [[Третјаковска галерија|State Tretyakov Gallery]], Ms. K-5349 (about 1100)<ref>Facsimile edition ([[#TipografskyUstav|2006]]).</ref>
# Two fragments of a kondakar’ (one kondak with notation): Moscow, [[Russian State Library]] (RGB), Fond 205 Ms. 107 (12th century)
# Troitsky-Lavrsky Kondakar’: Moscow, Russian State Library (RGB), [[#RUS-Mrg 304-023|Fond 304 Ms. 23]] (about 1200)<ref>Edition by Gregory Myers ([[#Mye1994|1994]]).</ref>
# Blagoveščensky Kondakar’: [[Санкт Петербург|Saint Petersburg]], [[National Library of Russia]] (RNB), Ms. [[#RUS-SPscQpI32|Q.п.I.32]] (about 1200)<ref>Facsimile (1976) and edition by Antonín Dostál etc. ([[#EdBlagKond|1976, 1977, 1979, 1980, 1990, 2004]]).</ref>
# Uspensky Kondakar’: Moscow, [[State Historical Museum]] (GIM), Ms. Usp. 9-п (1207)<ref>It was published by Arne Bugge as volume 6 of the main series of MMB ([[#MMB|1960]]).</ref>
# Sinodal’ny Kondakar’: Moscow, State Historical Museum (GIM), Ms. [[#RUS-Mim Sin777|Sin. 777]] (early 13th century)
Ред 725:
Six of them had been written in scriptoria of Kievan Rus' during the 12th and the 13th centuries, while there is one later kondakar’ without notation which was written in the Balkans during the 14th century. The aesthetic of the kalligraphy and the notation has so developed over a span of 100 years that it must be regarded as a local tradition, but also one which provided us with the earliest evidence of the cheironomic signs which had only survived in one later Greek manuscript.
In 1147, the chronicler Eude de Deuil described during a visit of the Frankish King [[
{{Cquote
Ред 735:
==== Kondakarian notation of the asmatikon part ====
The Kievan Rus' obviously cared about this tradition, but especially about the practice of cheironomia and its particular notation: the so-called “Kondakarian notation”.<ref>For a catalogue of cheironomiai see Floros ([[#Flo2009|2009]]), Myers ([[#Mye1998|1998]]) or Vladyševskaya ([[#TipografskyUstav|2006]], iii:111-201).</ref> A comparison with Easter koinonikon proves two things: the Slavic kondakar’ did not correspond to the “pure” form of the Greek kontakarion which was the book of the soloist who had also to recite the larger parts of the kontakia or kondaks. It was rather a mixed form which included also the choir book (asmatikon), since there is no evidence that such an asmatikon had ever been used by clerics of the Rus', while the Kondakarian notation integrated the cheironomic signs with simple signs, a Byzantine convention which had only survived in one manuscript ([[
Although the common knowledge of znamennaya notation is as limited as the one of other Old Byzantine variants such as Coislin and Chartres notation, a comparison with the asmatikon Kastoria 8 is a kind of bridge between the former concept of cheironomiai as the only authentic notation of the cathedral rite and the hand signs used by the choir leaders and the later concept of great signs integrated and transcribed into Middle Byzantine notation, but it is a pure form of the choir book, so that such comparison is only possible for an asmatic chant genre such as the [[koinonikon]].
See for instance the comparison of the Easter koinonikon between the Slavic Blagoveščensky kondakar’ which was written about 1200 in the Northern town Novgorod of the Rus', its name derived from its preservation at the collection of the {{ill|Blagoveščensky monastery|ru|Благовещенский монастырь (Нижний Новгород)|vertical-align=sup}} at Nizhny Novgorod.
[[Датотека:Easter koinonikon of the Kievan Rus with Kondakarian notation.jpg|thumb|center|750px|Easter koinonikon тҍло христово / σῶμα χριστοῦ (“The [[body of Christ]]”) in echos plagios protos notated with Kondakarian notation in 2 rows: great (red names) and small signs (blue names) ([[National Library of Russia|RUS-SPsc]] Ms. [[#RUS-SPscQpI32|Q.п.I.32]], f.97v; [[
[[Датотека:PlagiosProtos.jpg|thumb|Enechema of plagios protos]]
The comparison should not suggest that both versions are identical, but the earlier source documents an earlier reception of the same tradition (since there is a difference about 120 years between both sources it is impossible to judge the differences). The rubric “Glas 4” is most likely an error of the notator and meant “Glas 5”, but it is also possible, that the Slavic tone system was already in such an early period organised in triphonia. Thus, it could also mean that анеане, undoubtly the plagios protos [[Echos|enechema]] ἀνεανὲ, was supposed to be on a very high pitch (about an octave higher), in that case the tetartos phthongos has not the octave species of tetartos (a tetrachord up and a pentachord down), but the one of plagios protos. The comparison also shows very much likeness between the use of asmatic syllables such as “ѹ” written as one character such as “ɤ”. Tatiana Shvets in her description of the notational style also mentions the ''kola'' (frequent interpunction within the text line) and medial intonations can appear within a word which was sometimes due to the different numbers of syllables within the translated Slavonic text. A comparison of the neumes also show many similarities to Old Byzantine (Coislin, Chartres) signs such as ison (stolpička), apostrophos (zapĕtaya), oxeia (strela), vareia (palka), dyo kentimata (točki), dipli (statĕya), klasma (čaška), the krusma (κροῦσμα) was actually an abbreviation for a sequence of signs (palka, čaška and statĕya) and omega "ω" meant a parakalesma, a great sign related to a descending step (see the echema for plagios protos: it is combined with a dyo apostrophoi called "zapĕtaya").<ref>Many researchers (Levy, Floros, Moran, Conomos, Myers, Alexandru, Doneda, Artamonova) did the same comparison, but all agree about an unexpected number of coincidences between Slavic and Byzantine books with musical notation. The newest approach was done by Annalisa Doneda as an expert of the Greek asmatikon and its proper notation (Kastoria 8). She developed a database for a comparison between those Slavic kondakar’s with an asmatikon part and later Middle Byzantine sources: Doneda ([[#Don2011|2011]]).</ref>
Ред 760:
== Крај катедралне службе у Цариграду ==
1207, when the Uspensky kondakar’ was written, the traditional cathedral rite had no longer survived in Constantinople, because the court and the patriarchate had gone into exile to Nikaia in 1204, after Western crusaders had made it impossible to continue the local tradition. The Greek books of the asmatikon (choir book) and the other one for the monophonaris (the psaltikon which often included the kontakarion) were written outside Constantinople, on the island of [[Patmos]], at [[Saint Catherine's Monastery|Saint Catherine's monastery]], on the Holy [[Света Гора|Mount Athos]] and in Italy, in a new notation which developed some decades later within the books [[Sticheron|sticherarion]] and [[Irmologion|heirmologion]]: Middle Byzantine round notation. Thus, also the book kontakarion-psaltikon dedicated to the Constantinopolitan cathedral rite must be regarded as part of its reception history outside Constantinople like the Slavic kondakar’.
=== The kontakaria and asmatika written in Middle Byzantine round notation ===
[[Датотека:Alleluiarion.jpg|center|thumb|750x750px|Psalm 91:2-3 ᾿Αγαθὸν τὸ ἐξομολογεῖσθαι τῷ κυρίῳ καὶ ψάλλειν τῷ ὀνόματί σου with the alleluiaria in echos plagios tetartos (allelouia refrains written in red ink before the echos plagios section) in a kontakarion about 1300 ([[
The reason, why the psaltikon was called “kontakarion”, was that most parts of a kontakion (except of the refrain) were sung by a soloist from the ambo, and that the collection of the kontakarion had a prominent and dominant place within the book. The classical repertoire, especially the [[kontakion]] cycle of the movable feasts mainly attributed to [[Romanos the Melodist|Romanos]], included usually about 60 notated kontakia which were obviously reduced to the prooimion and the first oikos and this truncated form is commonly regarded as a reason, why the notated form presented a melismatic elaboration of the kontakion as it was commonly celebrated during the cathedral rite at the Hagia Sophia. As such within the notated kontakarion-psaltikon the cycle of kontakia was combined with a [[prokeimenon]] and [[alleluiarion]] cycle as a proper chant of the [[Divine Liturgy|divine liturgy]], at least for more important feasts of the movable and immovable cycle.<ref>{{Cite book
|title=Der byzantinische Alleluiarionzyklus: Studien im kurzen Psaltikonstil
Ред 775:
}}</ref> Since the Greek kontakarion has only survived with Middle Byzantine notation which developed outside Constantinople after the decline of the cathedral rite, the notators of these books must have integrated the cheironomiai or great signs still present in the Slavic kondakar’s within the musical notation of the new book sticherarion.
The typical composition of a kontakarion-psaltikon (τὸ ψαλτικὸν, τὸ κοντακάριον) was:<ref>See both psaltika-kontakaria of Sinai ([[Saint Catherine's Monastery|ET-MSsc]] Ms. Gr. [[#ET-MSscGr1280|1280]] and [[#ET-MSscGr1314|1314]]), and those of Paris and Rome ([[
* prokeimena
* alleluiaria
Ред 819:
The Slavic kondakar’s did only use very few oikoi pointing at certain models, but the text of the first oikos was only written in the earliest manuscript known as Tipografsky Ustav, but never provided with notation.<ref>See the black and white reproduction of the manuscript and its text edition ([[#TipografskyUstav|2006]], i-ii).</ref> If there was an oral tradition, it probably did not survive until the 13th century, because the oikoi are simply missing in the kondakar’s of that period.
One example for an kondak-prosomoion whose music can be only reconstructed by a comparison with model of the kontakion as it has been notated into Middle Byzantine round notation, is Аще и убьѥна быста which was composed for the feast for [[Борис и Глеб|Boris and Gleb]] (24 July) over the kondak-idiomelon Аще и въ гробъ for Easter in echos plagios tetartos:
[[Датотека:Easterkontakion.jpg|center|thumb|750x750px|Easter kondak Аще и въ гробъ (Easter kontakion Εἰ καὶ ἐν τάφῳ) in echos plagios tetartos and its kondak-prosomoion Аще и убьѥна быста (24 July Boris and Gleb) ([[National Library of Russia|RUS-SPsc]] Ms. [[#RUS-SPscQpI32|Q.п.I.32]], [[Saint Catherine's Monastery|ET-MSsc]] Ms. [[#ET-MSscGr1280|Sin. Gr. 1280]], [[
The two Middle Byzantine versions in the kontakarion-psaltikon of Paris and the one of Sinai are not identical. The first kolon ends on different ''phthongoi'': either on plagios tetartos (C, if the melos starts there) or two steps lower on plagios devteros (slightly deeper A). It is definitely exaggerated to pretend that one has “deciphered” Kondakarian notation, which is hardly true for any manuscript of this period. But even considering the difference of about at least 80 years which lie between the Old Byzantine version of Slavic scribes in Novgorod (second row of the kondakar’s) and the Middle Byzantine notation used by the monastic scribes of the later Greek manuscripts, it seems obvious that all three manuscripts in comparison did mean one and the same cultural heritage associated with the cathedral rite of the Hagia Sophia: the melismatic elaboration of the truncated kontakion. Both Slavonic kondaks follow strictly the melismatic structure in the music and the frequent segmentation by kola (which does not exist in the Middle Byzantine version), interrupting the conclusion of the first text unit by an own kolon using with the asmatic syllable “ɤ”.
Ред 886:
=== Petros Bereketes and the school of the Phanariotes ===
To a certain degree there may be found remnants of Byzantine or early (Greek-speaking, [[Eastern Orthodox Church|Orthodox Christian]]) near eastern music in the music of the [[
=== The Putna school of the Bukovina ===
Ред 904:
=== Ison ===
The [[Ison (music)]] is a [[drone (music)|drone]] note, or a slow-moving lower vocal part, used in [[Byzantine chant]] and some related musical traditions to accompany the [[мелодија|melody]]. It is assumed that the ison was first introduced in Byzantine practice in the 16th century.<ref name=hist>[http://www.stanthonysmonastery.org/music/History.htm History of Byzantine chant] at the Divine Music Project of St. Anthony Monastery</ref>
=== Teretismata and nenanismata ===
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